Leaders like the late Ahmadu Bello, an active participant in the recruitment process of mostly disadvantaged Nigerian youths into the military and many model builders believe the major incentive for Nigerian youths and their counterparts elsewhere in West Africa for joining the military was the opportunity it provided to climb the social ladder. Additional incentives for many of the new recruits including the likes of Olusegun Obasanjo, driven by inferiority complex, was the potential acquisition of power and influence, through political intrigue and military tactics, instead of long years of intellectual and bureaucratic preparation which defined power wielders of the period.
A young, very calculated Obasanjo therefore “ ‘set out early at dawn’, to scheme for power with great tenacity, without, in the words of Andrew Young, his friend and former United States’ UN permanent representative, “caring not about who he made mad….”
This perhaps explains why Obasanjo, unlike Awolowo who believed you cannot be a good Nigerian except you are first a good representative of your people, “pointed to his father’s house with his left hand” by declaring he was not a Yoruba leader but a Nigerian leader. Denying that his Yoruba people facilitated his smooth ride to power, literarily climbing the palm tree from the top by becoming Nigerian leader twice without a political base.
With his second term threatened by Atiku Abubakar, his vice president and James Ibori-led PDP governors shortly after an impeachment scare, Obasanjo ran back home to seek the help of his people. Unfortunately, a leopard does not change its skin. Instead of learning from his folly, he deceitfully outwitted his elders and fathers.
“How Obasanjo deceived us in 2003” was therefore an eyewitness record of events by Olusegun Osoba, an accomplished Nigerian journalist and elder statesman. This was contained on pages 277-300 of his Battle lines: Adventure in Journalism and Politics published in 2018.
The story was that Obasanjo who was roundly rejected even at his polling booth by the Yoruba during the 1999 election was asked to take a stand on long settled issues which our founding fathers considered critical for unity in diversity in a multi-ethnic and multicultural society like Nigeria.
They include: the restructuring of the Nigerian federation, devolution of power, including moving some items from the exclusive to the concurrent list and ensuring fiscal federalism. Obasanjo was also to organize a credible and transparent national census, ensure merit must be followed alongside federal character and quota system in the recruitment to federal positions across the country.
Obasanjo, after his meetings with the governors and their Afenifere leaders in Lagos and Ota, did not only agree to revisit the issues, he went further by pledging his commitment to the agreement before leading Yoruba traditional rulers including the Ooni of Ife, the Alake of Egba land, the Awujale of Ijebu land who was reassured by Obasanjo following the Obas’s frontal attack saying: “In the past, I could swear by you but in recent times, I no longer trust you nor can I put a bet on any promise you make.”
But Obasanjo, according to Osoba only told Yoruba elders what he knew they wanted to hear. He reneged on his promises, rigged four of Yoruba state governors out of office and created disharmony among them by luring some Afenifere members or their children into his government. Responding to Osoba, after eight years silence, Obasanjo last week wrote a letter describing his documented history as ‘inaccurate’, insisting he never deceived anyone in his political career.
But history is no more an exclusive preserve of the victorious. We all still remember how Bola Ige and Sunday Afolabi, who ignored Awo’s warning about Obasanjo’s credibility deficit, were deceived and used to destabilize Afenifere, before both ended up tragically. The former, as Obasanjo’s Minister of Internal Affairs, died shortly after he was released on bail following arraignment by the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) and the latter was assassinated in his bedroom as Obasanjo’s Minister of Justice.
Bode George, ‘the enforcer’ during Obasanjo’s failed ‘mainstreaming’ experiment in Yoruba land ended up serving a prison term as chairman of Nigerian Ports Authority. (He was later exonerated by the Supreme Court). The fate of Obasanjo’s foot soldiers such as Ayo Fayose, Gbenga Daniel, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Adebayo Alao-Akala and Dimeji Bankole was not different. They all ended up as sacrificial lambs that Obasanjo may remain the only shining star.
Other prominent Yoruba leaders betrayed by Obasanjo to buy acceptance of the ruling caste in the north include Wole Soyinka, Obafemi Awolowo and MKO Abiola.
Soyinka had confronted Chief SLA Akintola, an ally of Ahmadu Bello, over the 1965 massively rigged Western Regional election. Sadly both leaders were assassinated during January 1966 Igbo-inspired coup. Soyinka’s attempt to make peace between the north and east was misinterpreted as sympathy for Emeka Ojukwu. And for that, he spent the next 20 months in solitary confinement.
Soyinka paid the price for Obasanjo’s acceptance as successor to assassinated Murtala Mohammed in 1976 by Fulani ruling caste that had sworn never to allow control of executive power by a southerner; the same caste that roundly rejected and sent Awolowo to prison for his audacity and destroyed the espirit de corps of the military by appointing Lt. Col Gowon head of state instead of Brigadier Ogundipe in total disregard of military hierarchical structure.
Obasanjo had to downplay the contribution of Obafemi Awolowo to the nationalist struggle by portraying him as an uncompromising failed politician who could not achieve what he, Obasanjo, so effortlessly achieved. He threw a jab at Awolowo during the 1979 election he supervised by saying the best candidate didn’t need to win and later admitted supporting Shehu Shagari, the northern candidate to spite Awo
Obasanjo supported Babangida’s annulment of MKO Abiola’s 1993 pan-Nigerian mandate, declaring he was not the messiah Nigerians were waiting for.
Ironically, Obasanjo who was brought out of prison and foisted on Nigeria as president in an attempt to assuage the raw feelings of Yoruba became the greatest beneficiary of Abiola’s sacrifice for democracy. But in order to please his northern benefactors, Obasanjo for eight years refused to acknowledge June 12.
He in fact tried to bury it by whimsically declaring May 29 ‘Democracy Day’, a misnomer Buhari corrected in 2018 by declaring June 12 as ‘Democracy Day’, followed with Abiola’s posthumous recognition as a former Head of State.
Obasanjo marginalized Yoruba country for eight years, abandoning the rehabilitation of critical roads like Lagos-Ibadan expressway, Sagamu-Benin express way, Murtala Mohammed international Airport road, the Third Mainland Bridge and even Abeokuta Ota road that leads to his Ota farm.
The irony is that Obafemi Awolowo whose legacies Obasanjo has done everything to obliterate, built schools, university, libraries, financial institutions, manufacturing companies and established housing estates and cocoa, palm oil and rubber plantations, not for self but for the Yoruba people.
But while Obasanjo sold Western State-owned companies such as banks, insurance and the media, he was, according to Nasir El Rufai, borrowing money to buy into state-owned companies and used his position to attract donations to build a private university and a presidential library.
Today, Osoba is the target of Obasanjo’s unending war against high-achieving Yoruba leaders.
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